Gustavo Petro’s Colombia: Aid Cuts, Coca Surge, Security Shocks, and a U.S. Rift

Data-driven look at Petro’s tenure: coca up, Cali bombings, strained U.S. ties after boat strikes and Trump’s aid/tariff moves, sliding approval. Sources: UNODC, Reuters, AP.

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Gustavo Petro’s Colombia: Aid Cuts, Coca Surge, Security Shocks, and a U.S. Rift
Gustavo Petro and Donald Trump face to face in an Andean coca field at dusk. © Recon.News

Standfirst: What issues has Colombia faced under President Gustavo Petro (since Aug 2022)? We map the data: coca cultivation and cocaine output rising, lethal attacks like August’s Cali bombing, sliding approval ratings, and a sharp diplomatic break with Washington over tariffs, aid and U.S. boat strikes—plus context on his M-19 past.


TL;DR

  • Coca up under Petro: UNODC says coca area rose 10% in 2023 (253,000 ha, from 230,000 ha in 2022) while potential cocaine output jumped ~53% to ~2,664 t. (UNODC press)
  • Security shocks: A truck bomb hit Cali’s Marco Fidel Suárez air base on Aug 21, 2025 (≥5 dead; dozens injured); a separate attack downed a police helicopter in Antioquia the same day. (ABC, El País)
  • “Total Peace” strain: Ceasefires with ELN/FARC dissidents suffered violations; analysts say armed groups exploited truces to expand. (Oxan, Good Authority)
  • U.S. rupture: On Oct 19–21, 2025, Trump threatened/announced aid cuts and tariff hikes; Bogotá recalled its ambassador. (WSJ, Reuters, ABC)
  • Boat strikes anger: Petro condemned U.S. boat strikes in the Caribbean, saying Colombians may have been killed. (AP via ABC)
  • Approval slide: Poll snapshots in Aug 2025 show ~37% approval / ~58–62% disapproval. (Infobae on Invamer, Colombia One roundup)

At a glance — the issues during Petro’s tenure

Issue What the data/news show Why it matters
Coca & cocaine 253,000 ha coca in 2023 (+10% YoY); potential cocaine ~2,664 t (+53%). UNODC Higher earnings for armed groups; pressure on security & U.S. ties.
Ceasefires & violence Analysts: armed groups abused truces to expand; ceasefires repeatedly violated; talks suspended/resumed on and off. Oxan, Good Authority Undermines Petro’s “Total Peace” strategy; increases civilian risk.
Major attacks Cali air-base truck bomb (Aug 21, 2025): ≥5 dead; twin attack downed police helicopter in Antioquia. ABC, El País Signals a security relapse into high-impact urban attacks.
U.S. relations Trump aid cut/tariff moves (Oct 2025); ambassador recalled. WSJ, Reuters, ABC Threatens funding for counternarcotics, rural programs & trade.
Opinion climate Low approvals in 2025 (≈34–37%); high disapproval (≈58–64%). Infobae/Invamer Weak political capital → harder reforms/peace enforcement.
Background Petro is a former M-19 guerrilla who entered democratic politics; elected in 2022. Britannica Frames partisan debates on his security/drug policies.

Findings

  1. Coca cultivation and cocaine output increased during Petro’s tenure.
    UNODC: 253,000 ha of coca in 2023 (+10% YoY), potential cocaine ~2,664 t (+53%). Growth concentrated in southwest departments with dissident presence.
    Context: The upswing started before Petro but continued in 2022–23; yearly surveys mean policy effects lag. (UNODC executive summaries) (UNODC)
  2. Peace talks and ceasefires have struggled, enabling more criminal space.
    Independent analyses say armed groups exploited truces (e.g., to tax coca, recruit, move fighters). (Oxan; Good Authority)
  3. High-impact attacks surged back into headlines—Cali being the emblem.
    On Aug 21, 2025, a truck bomb outside Marco Fidel Suárez air base killed at least five and wounded dozens; a separate attack downed a police helicopter in Antioquia. (ABC, El País)
  4. Relations with Washington have sharply deteriorated.
    After disputes over migration flights and “narco-boat” strikes, Trump threatened/announced aid suspension and tariffs on Oct 19–21, 2025; Colombia recalled its ambassador. (WSJ; Reuters; ABC)
  5. Petro’s reaction to U.S. boat strikes is a key flashpoint.
    He says Colombians may have been killed in at least one strike; the White House disputes this. (AP via ABC, Straits Times)
  6. Public support has been weak.
    Mid-2025 polls capture ~37% approval vs ~58–62% disapproval. (Infobae on Invamer; Colombia One poll roundup)
  7. Legislative headwinds add to the perception of drift.
    A flagship health-care reform was rejected in the Senate committee (Apr 2024) and later partially pushed by decree, drawing legal/political fire. (Reuters summary via ST; Colombia One)
Important: Where numbers vary (e.g., Cali casualty totals, strike tallies), we show conservative “at least” figures and cite multiple outlets.

How to read claims online

  1. Primary source? (UN/official docs; AP/Reuters/WSJ; court filings)
  2. Fair comparisons? Like-for-like time windows, regions, and age groups
  3. What’s the design? Causality study or signal-finding/monitoring only

Method notes

  • For coca metrics, we rely on UNODC annual surveys (area & potential output). For security and diplomacy, we prioritise AP/Reuters/WSJ/ABC/El País and respected analysis outlets on ceasefires. (UNODC)
  • Causation caution: Increases in coca predate Petro, but continued through 2023; ceasefire effects are debated—hence we quote analytical sources and keep wording precise. (Good Authority)

Confidence label

High — Coca figures are UNODC; the Cali attacks, aid/tariff announcements, and ambassador recall are confirmed by AP/Reuters/WSJ/ABC; polling snapshots are consistent across outlets. Disputed elements (boat-strike nationality/casualties) are flagged as claims with opposing responses noted. (UNODC)

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